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WITH THE COUNTRY SLIPPING
toward chaos, Maoist leaders met secretly in Katmandu to plan their
strategy. “They are gathering in the capital,” reported a local
businessman, one of many paying protection money to the insurgents. “They
believe they could have a chance to take the country if they play their
cards right.” In fact, an immediate Maoist takeover of the world’s only
Hindu nation seemed to be a very long shot. Only about one-third of the
country, mostly rural, is controlled by guerrilla sympathizers, who want a
one-party communist state opposed to “imperialism, feudalism and
bureaucratic capitalism.” The U.S. Embassy’s security office says Katmandu
and other prime attractions for Western tourists are relatively
unaffected. Still, the bloodbath at the palace was a boon to the Maoists and a severe threat to Nepal’s fledgling democracy. Most Nepalese didn’t believe the survivors’ explanation of the tragedy, especially because, at first, the killing of nine people was officially described as an “accident.” When demonstrators took to the streets demanding the truth, four of them died in clashes with police. “The truth doesn’t count now,” said a friend of one of the slain princesses. “It’s what the public would like to believe.” |
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As described last week by eyewitnesses, the shooting spree at the palace showed few signs of planning. When Crown Prince Dipendra, Birendra’s heir, arrived for the family dinner, he was already drunk—and furious with his parents. They had denied him permission to marry his half-Indian sweetheart, Deviyani Rana. Sources linked to the palace said he and Deviyani had already been united in a Hindu marriage ceremony called a tikka , which is not legally recognized in Nepal. During the day on June 1, Dipendra was “told by his father that if he married Deviyani, the throne would have to go to his brother [Prince Nirajan],” said a diplomat in Katmandu who has high-level contacts. Dipendra was popular with the public, but in the palace he was known for a nasty temper that got worse when he drank. He was fascinated by weapons and became an expert shot during his military training. Dipendra was glum when he arrived at the dinner and confessed to an inlaw, a military doctor named Rajiv Shahi, that he was “very, very intoxicated,” the physician said at a news conference last week. Dipendra was escorted to his room but returned later wearing a uniform and carrying two assault rifles. He shot his father first, Shahi said. “Being a doctor, I ran toward His Majesty,” Shahi recalled. “I took off my coat and pressed it against his neck where he was bleeding. He said, ‘I have been shot in the stomach also’.” Over the span of about a minute and a half, Dipendra killed his father and eight other relatives at point-blank range, including his mother, Queen Aiswarya, and his brother, Nirajan. Then he shot himself. But no one saw that happen, so there was no explanation of how the right-handed Dipendra could have shot himself in the left temple. There were other mysteries: why the new king, Gyanendra, did not attend the fatal dinner and how his son, Paras, escaped the fusillade unhurt. The ascension of the autocratic Gyanendra could widen the already large gap between rich and poor. Most political and economic power in Nepal is controlled by wealthy, high-caste Brahmins and Chettris—”parasitic classes,” according to the Maoists. The rich live very well in Katmandu, with imported cars, Western schooling, vast houses and elegant restaurants at their disposal. But the country as a whole is painfully poor: per capita annual income is just $231. Some Nepalese are desperate enough to sell their daughters; about 12,000 girls are sold as sex slaves every year, mostly across the border to India, according to the International Labor Organization of the United Nations. It is a situation ripe for revolution, which is what the rebels have been fomenting for five years now. The uprising began in remote western districts, led by Prachanda and Baburam Bhattarai, both of whom are said to come from the same high castes that rule the nation. Their method is to wage a “people’s war” based on Maoist doctrine and the bloody example of Peru’s Shining Path guerrillas. So far, the rebellion has claimed 1,700 lives, including 70 policemen killed in a single day. The rebels are thought to have about 2,000 fighters under arms. Some of their weapons have been smuggled in from China, but the Chinese government, making its peace with capitalism, wants nothing to do with Nepalese Maoists. Instead, the insurgents get ideological support from Maoist rebels in India. Although the rebel strongholds are concentrated in rural areas, the Maoists are beginning to make their presence felt in Katmandu and other towns, by planting bombs and extorting money. Armed rebels have appeared on the doorsteps of businesses near the royal palace, demanding political “donations” ranging from as little as $15 to as much as $1,500 and issuing receipts to those who pay up. “You don’t give because you like them,” says a pashmina exporter in the capital. “You pay to keep them from firebombing your business.” Only a few weeks before the royal killings, Prime Minister Koirala—who has no constitutional power to give orders to the Army—pleaded with King Birendra to mobilize troops against the Marxists. Unlike the country’s ragtag police force, the 48,000-strong Royal Nepalese Army is well funded and politically powerful, and the king was reluctant to deploy it. In the end, he agreed to send some of the troops into rebel-controlled areas this month. But the Maoist challenge may be moving toward the capital. Refugees fleeing the war in the countryside have crowded into Katmandu, straining its fragile infrastructure. Two weeks ago a leftist political strike paralyzed the city for three days. Now a conflict looms between Maoists and monarchists, and whoever wins, democracy is likely to be the most prominent casualty. © 2001 Newsweek, Inc. |
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